“The members were not seeking to understand a singular incident of disorder,” writes Cobb, “but the phenomenon of rioting itself.” Johnson wanted to know what happened, why it happened, and what could be done so it doesn’t happen “again and again.” Of course, it has happened again and again, and many of the report’s recommendations remain unimplemented. The commission was not the first to address racial violence in the century, and it would not be the last, but the bipartisan group of 11 members-including two Blacks and one woman-was impressively thorough in its investigation of the complex overarching social and economic issues at play. In this edited and contextualized version, New Yorker staff writer Cobb, with the assistance of Guariglia, capably demonstrates the continued relevance and prescience of the commission’s findings on institutionalized discriminatory policies in housing, education, employment, and the media. The report, named for Otto Kerner, the chairman of the commission and then governor of Illinois, explored the systemic reasons why an “apocalyptic fury” broke out that summer even in the wake of the passage of significant civil rights and voting acts-a response with striking echoes in recent events across the country. The narrative is disturbing and painful, but it provides important pages that have been missing from American history.Ī vital story well rendered, recounting a legacy that should be recognized, remembered, and applauded.Ī timely distilled version of the powerful report on racism in the U.S.Ĭreated by Lyndon Johnson’s executive order in 1967, the Kerner Commission was convened in response to inner-city riots in cities like Newark and Detroit, and its findings have renewed relevance in the wake of the George Floyd verdict and other recent police brutality cases. Delmont suggests that the wartime contributions of Black Americans planted the seeds for later progress, although it would be a long, difficult path-and one not yet finished. Black veterans often found themselves ineligible for the benefits available to their White counterparts, and even Black men in uniform faced harassment. Even after the war, little changed for the Black community. One reason was the belief that military service would help fight discrimination within the U.S., a concept encapsulated in the “Double V” campaign promoted by Black leaders: victory over fascism abroad and victory over racism at home. “The trailblazing Tuskegee Airmen, 92nd Infantry Division, Montford Point Marines, and the 761st ‘Black Panther’ Tank Battalion served bravely in combat,” writes Delmont, “and Black troops shed blood in the iconic battles at Normandy and Iwo Jima, and the Battle of the Bulge.” As the author shows in this illuminating history, military training camps were brutally segregated, and civilian Black Americans faced obstacles when applying for jobs in war factories. Once they were allowed to serve on the battlefield, they were indispensable. ![]() Even under appalling conditions, they served courageously, and the final victories in Europe and the Pacific would not have been possible without them. Due to prejudice among White military leaders, most Black soldiers were assigned roles in construction, transport, supply, and maintenance. ![]() ![]() ![]() Delmont sets the record straight.ĭelmont, a professor of history at Dartmouth who has written numerous books on civil rights and Black history, notes that he was surprised when his initial research revealed the number of Black men and women who served during the war: more than 1 million. Black Americans played crucial roles in nearly every theater of World War II, but they have been largely ignored in historical accounts.
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